Sacred Armour: Ritual Garments of the Parsi Zoroastrians
A composite image showing fully prepared kustis, and a kusti just off the loom.
Aeons ago, a reservoir of cultural leitmotifs and symbols developed among the peoples of the Central Asian steppes. Drawn from the pastoral life they led, these symbols survived as communities were dispersed across the continent of Eurasia and, even after several millennia, display their common ancestry. They reflect closeness with the elements: fire for warmth, air and wind for life, water and earth as a source of nourishment and survival, along with the sun, moon and stars that shine above. Many an ancient cultural symbol endures in modern-day religious practice, be it the lighting of a candle in a European cathedral, the divo lit daily in a Parsi home, or the ghee or oil diya lit to welcome Lakshmi, goddess of wealth, at the Hindu festival of Diwali. In particular, the Vedic Hindus shared several beliefs and practices with their Iranian Zoroastrian neighbors just across the mountain ranges.
In this essay we explore two ritual garments– the sacred girdle called kusti and the inner vest or sudreh, both of which are enduring and universal symbols of the Zoroastrian faith. While there are no written records of when the kusti originated and it is not certain of who wove or wore the first kusti, it is obviously a part of the larger Indo-Iranian/European sacred tradition. It has parallels in the sacred thread or yajnopavitam (Gujarati: janoi) of the Hindu tradition and even in the cord worn over priestly garments in the Orthodox Church. Prophet Zarathustra (Zoroaster to the Greeks, who saw him as the greatest Magi) knew of the sacred cord. When he left home to seek Ahura Mazda, Lord of Light and Wisdom, all Zarathustra wanted from his priestly father, Porushaspa, as his share of property, was the sacred cord his father wore as a girdle. So, even in 1600 BCE, as the Bronze Age was progressing, a symbol existed that continues to bind the Parsi Zoroastrians to their faith in our contemporary world.
Zarathustra took up the ancient ideas of his tribe to build a universal faith, based not on the fear of an unknown, powerful force of nature, but on the reassurance given by a wise Creator, Ahura Mazda. Man’s choice of the true path of Asha (corresponding to the Vedic rita) would make him a fellow worker or hamkar, with the beneficent spirit of Spenta, or bountiful creation. At the heart of Zoroastrianism lies the doctrine of the interdependence and unity of man and all other aspects of creation. Zoroastrianism places great responsibility on man. In his action lies his salvation. The defeat of evil and the renewal of the good world can only come about through the conscious choice and effort of each individual to preserve and protect this earth. For the Zoroastrian, a saint is not one who sacrifices all for personal salvation, but one who sacrifices himself for others and for the world. Thus, domestic and social virtues have to be developed; the path to God does not lie away from, but through, the joys and trials of humankind.
Zoroastrianism has been called “the religion of action” because, for the Zoroastrian, each human being has within himself an urvan, often translated as “the soul” but whose literal meaning, “the chooser”, conveys its significance more accurately. Complete freedom is given to the individual; the path of Asha or righteousness exists, but each individual may either choose to walk this path or choose the path of destruction and evil. There are no cycles of rebirth in Zoroastrianism through which a man can work out his karma, nor is there a saviour who will bear the cross for the sins of mankind. Only right choice leads to righteousness.
Zarathustra’s entire teaching can be compressed into the three principles that every Zoroastrian child learns: “Humata, Hukhta, Huvarshta”, i.e. Good Thought, Good Word, Good Deed, for thoughts are the root of all action, and deeds the ultimate result. In this religion of action, work is a cardinal feature, and the sacred girdle or kusti is a badge of faith that every Zoroastrian wears. This sacred girdle is tied with the repetition of verses, the actual knot being made at the word shyaothenanam that means “to work” or “to act”. The Zoroastrian girds himself up to be a worker of the Lord, the best service to god being service to his creation.
Despite its stress on duty, Zoroastrianism is a faith full of joy. Holiness in Zoroastrian terms means abundance, and in the Avesta or ancient scriptures of Zoroastrianism the word for holy is Spenta, also translated as bounteous. Divine nature is seen as super-abundant, in the material as well as spiritual sense, for Zoroastrianism accepts and enjoys the good things of both this physical world and the world to come. The unity and wholeness which is preached shows that spiritual and material worlds are intimately linked, for both are part of a universal process of harmony that was marred by the corruption introduced by evil. When good action triumphs, this natural world of ours, perfected and renewed, will become divine. To ensure this triumph, both work and faith are required. The Zoroastrian priesthood has preserved the faith through the millennia mainly in oral traditions and esoteric ceremonies.
The kusti ritual is then repeated by both priests in unison as the conclusion of the ceremony. Along with the priests, as stated earlier, each Zoroastrian is a hamkar of the Good Creation and must gird up herself or himself in sacred armour each day by following the kusti ritual. This includes the sudreh, a white, muslin inner vest with its gireban, or pocket of good deeds; the kusti or girdle is tied around the waist, over this vest. This sacred girdle of 72 woollen threads woven together is metaphorically invested with all the powers of the 72 chapters of the Yasna. Therefore, each Zoroastrian walks out to salute the golden day dressed in symbolic armour, to protect and promote Spenta creation.
The core liturgical ceremony of the Zoroastrians, descended directly from the Bronze Age is the Yasna. Yasna is also the name of the liturgical texts of the Avesta sacred scriptures, verses of which are recited at the Yasna ceremony. Believed to have its origin in the chief act of worship of the proto-Indo-Iranians, this ceremony has been maintained from prehistoric times, and is a great piece of human heritage. Once a daily prayer in the most sacred inner sanctum of the great Atash Behrams, fire temples of the highest grade, today few priests can perform this ritual. It starts much before dawn with the recitation of the kusti prayers, followed by the drawing of water from a well, and develops into a complex web of prayers, which bring all the seven creations, the elements and the cosmos itself into a sacred space. There are no statues or icons here. The only objects of veneration are natural, as the priests bless and purify all creation. Finally, after over three hours of intense chanting and symbolic ritual, the water, now energized and consecrated, is poured back into the well in the light of the sun to strengthen the new day.
Rites of Passage
Rites of passage define the beginning of new stages in a person’s life. In Zoroastrianism, the rites of passage begin for a child from the time of conception. There are various ceremonies which celebrate pregnancy and the birth of a child, in all of which the sacred garments are required. The sudreh and kusti thus provide protection from before birth, through childhood and adulthood till death, as an individual follows religious and social customs. The religious initiation of a child is commemorated with a Navjote ceremony, which becomes a social declaration in public of an individual’s choice to be a Zoroastrian and walk on the Path of Truth.
This ceremony is usually performed between the ages of seven and eleven years, before the child reaches puberty. At the Navjote, a child takes responsibility for his or her thoughts and deeds in life thereafter. The word Navjote is made up of two Pahlavi words – nao meaning new and zot meaning to offer prayers. The initiation is so named because it is after its performance that a Zoroastrian child is said to be qualified to take on the duty of offering prayers and observing religious customs and rules as a Zoroastrian. In the months preceding the actual ceremony the child has to be taught the nirang-i-kusti prayers by an elder person of the family or a priest in the fire temple (figure 2).
On the morning of the Navjote, the women of the house decorate it with elaborate chalk designs. In celebration, flowers are used to decorate the entire house and flower torans are hung on the doors. Traditional sweets and foods are prepared in a mood of festivity, and joyful songs are played throughout the day. The initiate, boy or girl, has to undergo a nahn or ritual bath in order to be in a state of purity in body, mind and soul. To the accompaniment of prayers, the child chews pomegranate leaves, symbol of the immortal spirit, and tastes nirang or consecrated bull’s urine. This nirang, considered to be sacred, is known in Persian as abezar meaning golden water which cleanses. After this, the child is bathed by the mother or the grandmother and is made to wear a new pair of white satin pyjamas, white indicating purity, and a pair of velvet slippers known as sapat.
The upper body of the child is covered with a shawl that can be easily removed in order to make the child wear the sudreh. The head is covered with a topi or cap and the child along with the priest proceeds towards the dais. Before stepping on the dais the mother does an achhu michhu ceremony of protection and blessing. A silver ses, a tray symbolic of family unity, is carried by the mother and other ladies of the family.
For the Navjote, the ses contains new clothes, and most importantly, the sudreh and kusti, besides various ceremonial utensils and items. The child is made to sit on a low wooden stool facing east, the direction of the rising sun, in front of the officiating priest. On the carpet is placed the ses, as well as another silver tray filled with a mixture of rice, pomegranate seeds, raisins, almonds and a few slices of coconut, to be sprinkled by the priest on the child as symbols of prosperity. A divo or lamp, fed with ghee, must be placed on the stage with the fire. A fire placed on a censer is fed with sukhar (sandalwood) and loban (frankincense).
The sudreh is placed in the child’s hands and all the priests begin to recite prayers for the investiture ceremony. The priest leads the child into prayer and they both chant the “Din no Kalmo”, or Confession of the Faith (Mistree 1982, 10). Next, both the priest and child together recite a sacred mantra, the Ahunavar, and upon the word shyaothenanam, “to act”, the priest ceremoniously makes the celebrant wear the sacred sudreh.
The child at this point holds the little finger of the priest. Both the priest and the child in ritual unity, paiwand, begin to recite aloud the Ahura Mazda Khodae (Kusti Bastan) prayer (figure 4). Upon the words “Manashni, Gavashni, Kunashni” (Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds) – the ideals that every Zoroastrian strives towards – the priest, holding the kusti together with the child, makes two loops, which are interconnected.
After this the child is dressed in new clothes and social celebrations begin. The next important event in the life-cycle of an individual is a wedding. Marriage is an institution that is believed to be favoured by Ahura Mazda. It is also a sacrament where new sacred garments are worn by both bride and groom to signify the new physical and spiritual life they are entering. At this stage, therefore, they ceremonially change to new kustis, while a special sudreh, hand-stitched by the bride’s mother, richly decorated with lace edging, is proudly worn by the bride under her white wedding sari. Thus the sacrament of marriage unites bride and groom on the Path of Truth in their new life.
The child is thus invested with the “garment of the good path” which, it is believed, is the sacred armour that protects one from evil influences. The officiating priest then positions himself behind the child so that they both face the sun. The priest holds the mid-point of the kusti in his left hand which he moves so that the remaining lengths of cord pass between the thumb and the index finger of his right hand, the two ends hanging down loosely.
According to oral tradition, the symbolism of this gesture is to remind the initiate of the two worlds, physical and spiritual, which are interdependent. Upon the words “Khshnaothra Ahurahe Mazdao” (May it please Ahura Mazda), the priest encircles the kusti twice around the child’s waist, makes two reef knots and proceeds to complete the remaining portion of the Kusti Bastan. Finally, the Fravarane or the Declaration of Faith is recited as the child proclaims his allegiance to the religion.
Finally, at death, this sacred armour is a human’s only material accompaniment into the spiritual world. Since ancient times, Zoroastrians have used, and in some cities still use, the method of exposure of the corpse, or Dokhmenashini. Fire, earth and water, being considered sacred, must not be defiled by cremation or burial, and in death one must perform a last Good Deed by offering one’s own body to feed carrion birds. In Zoroastrian death rituals, the corpse is given a final nahn or bath and then dressed only in an old sudreh after which the kusti prayers are recited by the family. The family, with other helpers, then ties an old kusti around the body before it is placed in the dokhma, tower of silence. In this way, the sacred armour protects one for the last time.
Sudreh: Sacred Protection
Made of cotton fibre, the sudreh represents the plant world. Its nine parts may be seen to symbolically represent the 9,000 years of the Gumezishn period of material life, which allegorically is the time-span of this world. Through man’s efforts with the help of Wisdom, this will eventually result in the perfection of all Creation at the end of time. The front of the sudreh represents the past which a Zoroastrian has lived through and experienced, while the back represents the future, and the wearer represents the present, symbolically juxtaposed between past and future.
The sacred shirt and cord are both symbolic in their structure. The symbolism is explained not in the Gathas or songs of Zarathustra, but in later Pahlavi and Persian books. The sudreh is made up of white muslin; this colour is symbolic of purity, and represents the essence of the Mazdayasnan religion. The Dadistani-Dinik enjoins that the shirt should be pure white and with only one fold (Mueller 1977, Vol. XVIII, Part II, 133). This is because the archangel Vohu Manah, the Good Mind, is theonly true guide for humankind.
Made of cotton fibre, the sudreh represents the plant world. Its nine parts may be seen to symbolically represent the 9,000 years of the Gumezishn period of material life, which allegorically is the time-span of this world. Through man’s efforts with the help of Wisdom, this will eventually result in the perfection of all Creation at the end of time. The front of the sudreh represents the past which a Zoroastrian has lived through and experienced, while the back represents the future, and the wearer represents the present, symbolically juxtaposed between past and future.
The most important part of the sudreh is the gireban (lit. that which preserves the knot), which signifies loyalty to or faith in the religion. The gireban is also known as the kisseh-i-kerfeh or the “purse of righteousness”. It is made in the form of a one-square-inch pocket or purse, which rests above the heart. It indicates that a man should not just fill his purse or bag with money, but also with kerfeh (righteousness). The sudreh must be worn next to the skin, with no other garment under it.
The sudreh has nine seams, including the two side seams, two sleeve seams, one neck seam, one girdo (the storehouse of potential good), one gireban (the pocket of good deeds), one straight tiri or line (a reminder of imperfection in the physical world) and a triangular tiri.
A sudreh for a Zoroastrian male, illustrating its nine seams with the straight tiri on the right-hand side. Line drawing by Ashdeen Z. Lilaowala.
Over the years, the sudreh has gone through a process of metamorphosis and has changed to suit the comforts of society (figure 6). It was worn originally not as an undergarment but as a symbol of identity and was clearly visible, particularly under women’s clothing. Today, the sudreh is covered. Since it has become an undergarment it has been reduced considerably in length. The sleeves, which were compulsory in the construction of a sudreh, have been eliminated by some people, particularly women. The sudreh is now also conveniently tucked in or folded while wearing modern clothing.
Kusti: The Girdle of Strength
The Avestan word for the sacred thread is aiwyaonghana, meaning “to gird”, and it originates from the ritual in the Yasna ceremony where a strip of the date palm is used to tie the twigs for the sacred fire or barsam, in a ritual of uniting creation (Mueller 1977, Vol. V, Part I, 284–85). The Yasna, like the Vedic yagna, is a Bronze Age ritual which nurtures creation.
As the priest recites the Yatha Hu Vairyo Manthra, whenever he utters the word “shyaothenanam” he ties the date palm cord into a reef knot (figures 7–9).1 This is the exact reef knot which is tied at the word shyaothenanam in the kusti ritual. So when the Zoroastrian girds himself each morning with the sudreh and kusti, he symbolically becomes a warrior defending Spenta or Holy Creation (Cama 2002, 40).
The kusti is a narrow, long and hollow girdle with tassels at both ends. Its length varies from three yards to about six yards. The average kusti of four-and-a-half yards is known as “mapni kusti”. The kusti is made of yarn from white lamb’s wool or camel’s hair, never from cotton or any other fibre. Thus it represents the animal world. The white wool is considered an emblem of innocence and purity so it reminds a Zoroastrian of the purity that he has to observe. Lamb’s wool is not considered “hair”. Whereas hair in Zoroastrian tradition is “nasu” or defiled matter, wool is pure since it differs in its structure. Wool being absorbent has the property of holding vibrations and collects the good vibrations produced by prayers.
Linguistically, the word kusti has various connotations. Derived from the Pahlavi kust meaning “direction or side”, it comes to signify “that which points out the proper direction or path”. Sudreh, literally the good path, and kusti, the direction finder, tell a Zoroastrian how to proceed on the path of life. In a more literal context, the kusti is an item that distinguishes those who are on the side, kust, of Zoroastrianism.
There are no written records of when or where the kusti originated. Some say that Zarathustra initiated the symbol, based on the Indo-Iranian sacred cord, but according to the Dadistan-i-Dinik (Mueller 1977, Vol. XVIII, Part II, 128–29) and the Saddar (Mueller 1977, Vol. XXIV, Part III, 268), these symbols have been worn since the time of King Jamshed, a legendary figure in the Persian tradition who, as mentioned in the Avesta, possessed divine glory.
In the case of the Avestan mantras, the kusti absorbs these powerful vibrations, spreading them in the close environment, to the body and invisible aura of the person wearing it, and through this to the eternal soul. There are also practical reasons why cotton cannot be used in the weaving of the kusti. Cotton has a tendency to curl and in warm climates knots in cotton cannot be undone easily in which case one would have to cut the kusti. Also, cotton yarn is not absolutely even, whereas the kusti has to be completely smooth.
Zaotars officiating over the Yasna ceremony in the long sudreh typically worn by priests.
According to oral tradition, the symbolism of the woven kusti is as follows (Mistree 1982 and conversations with the late Shernaz Munshi, Mumbai, 2001):
The 72 strands from which the kusti is woven represent the 72 chapters of the Yasna. A Zoroastrian who ties his kusti with piety is said to have acquired the merit of performing the Yasna ritual. –In the Ahura Mazda Yasht, 72 names of God are recorded, hence wearing the kusti is equivalent to recitation of this prayer.
Wearing the kusti is like performing the handshake and greeting Hamazor, Hama Asho that signifies uniting to perform good works and connecting with the sacred world.
In Pahlavi, duwazdah means 12. There is a ritual called the Duwazdah Homast performed in honour of the 12 Yazatas or Angels. One who wears the kusti shares in the merits of a performance of the Duwazdah Homast.
The six sections of the kusti, of 12 strands each, represent the Amesha Spentas or Holy Immortals, Ahura Mazda’s closest companions and protectors of Creation.
The 12 strands represent the 12 months of the year, as well as the 12 words of the Ashem Vohu mantra.
The six tassels, three at each end, represent the six Gahambars or seasonal festivals in celebration of the six creations of God.
The 24 strands in each tassel represent the 24 chapters of the Visperad text.
The two ends of the kusti are symbolic of and proof of the existence of the two worlds, the material and spiritual, menok and getik. The wearer therefore realizes that this world is only temporary on the path to eternity.
The kusti has two layers, with a hollow middle. These two layers represent the sky and the earth, while the hollow part in the middle is symbolic of the atmosphere between them. The meaning is that the wearer should always protect all pure creation which exists between the sky and the earth.
After weaving the kusti it is turned inside out because we have come to this world for the sake of the other world, and we have to go back to the other with our work completed.
The kusti is held in the middle and tied around the waist, signifying that its wearer should walk on the middle path in all worldly and religious thoughts, words and deeds. This middle path is the path of moderation.
While tying the four reef knot people remember the Creator, who is One; Zoroastrianism, the true religion; Zarathustra the Prophet sent by God; and finally the wearer, who must perform Good Deeds.
While tying the kusti, one must cover the head. The first act is to perform what is called padyaab or ablution. It consists of washing the face and other uncovered parts of the body like hands and feet with pure water. While praying, one always turns towards light – either the sun or a lamp. The kusti should not be tied touching the skin, for a sudreh must be worn under it. When a kusti breaks, a Zoroastrian can no longer wear it, because, except for the two reef knots made while wearing it, the kusti cannot have any more knots, nor can it be stitched in any part of its length. If the kusti is broken, it should be buried in the ground. Wool being a natural material decomposes in the soil and does not pollute it. The kusti can also be burnt and the ashes then scattered on the ground.
Weaving the Kusti
In Iran, camel hair was often used to make the yarn for kusti-weaving, since it was widely available. In India, however, only sheep’s wool is used for weaving kustis. Fine yarn is now imported from Australia in clean, shrink-proof bundles called “fara”. Today, “pooni” wool is also frequently used and is available in the form of slivers, processed and ready for spinning. However, unlike fara wool, pooni shrinks considerably and the weaver has to weave at least half a yard more in order to get the desired length of the kusti.
Spinning or “oon kantwanu” is the first step in the making of a kusti. Most women start the process with a little prayer. The wool is spun into fine yarn with the help of a chaaterdi or drop spindle (figures 10–12). Two spindles of single yarn are then twisted to form a strong and uniform yarn known as durry, which is then used for weaving. This process of double-plying is known as val dewanu and is done on a bigger spindle or chaaterdo.
Some women only specialize in spinning the yarn and provide the spun yarn to weavers. According to an admirable age-old custom, the spinner gives the weaver enough yarn for two kustis. The weaver in turn after weaving presents one kusti to the spinner and keeps one for herself. No money is exchanged, and it is an equitable barter.
Traditionally, only women from the priestly class would weave kustis. Today, with diminishing boundaries between the priestly class Athornans and laity Behdins, women of the laity have started weaving kustis as well. Once considered a domestic skill necessary for every young girl and taught in all Parsi schools, kusti-making has with changing times become a specialized craft practised mainly by elderly women. It is an art that takes years to master and due to poor returns very few women care to take up kusti-weaving as a profession.
On a walk through the Parsi vads (colonies or mohallas) of Navsari in Gujarat one can see women effortlessly spinning on their verandahs with their chaaterdis and chaaterdos, while chatting with their neighbours. Yet, a lot of skill is required to spin extremely fine yarn for thin kustis which are in high demand, and this seemingly casual skill is integral to the weaving as it determines the thickness of the kusti.
The process of kusti-weaving is carried out on the loom known as jantar. The original long loom is called the junnu (old) jantar (figure 13), and is still used in Iran while weaving, sitting on the floor. Weaving on the “new” jantar is very flexible; since the loom is light it can be easily carried from room to room and even while travelling (figure 14). Most weavers believe that the new loom originated in Navsari around the 1930s, before which the junnu jantar was used for weaving. This larger loom is made up of three pieces. Two flat wooden vertical pieces having three and two pegs respectively are placed on either side and are held together by a horizontal bamboo pole.
The jantar has been modified over the years. In some jantars an additional stool is added at the base. This type of jantar is known as a ghoriwalu jantar or jantar with a stool, which enables the weaver to sit comfortably. The 72 warp threads are stretched in a continuous circle for weaving and are kept in tension with the help of various pulleys on the jantar. An additional adjustable pulley or gargari is hung on the warp in order to provide the required tautness. The actual weaving process is extremely rhythmic and delightful to watch. As nimble fingers lift small shafts, the weft or naru is passed with one hand and the yarn is gently beaten into place with a kateli or beater. Only after years of practice can a weaver master the force or thok required while beating. Each weaver has her own rhythm and pace.
After the kusti is woven, it is taken off the loom in a complete loop. It is now handed over to the priest to be cut and consecrated. To consecrate the cord, the priest recites the Sraosh Baj prayer as far as the word “ashahe”. He next recites the Nirang, which is the liturgical formula for cutting and consecrating the thread, followed by the Ashem Vohu and Yatha Ahu Vairyo mantras. While reciting the latter, he cuts the kusti as he utters the word “shyaothenanam”. On finishing the Yatha Ahu Vairyo, he utters in baj (i.e. in a suppressed tone) the brief Pazend formula of “Sraosh Asho Tagi Tan Farman” and then finishes the Sraosh Baj. For cutting the ends, the priest uses a special knife, usually made of ivory and used only for this specific purpose. The women of the priestly class who made kustis would generally get them cut and consecrated by the male priest members of their own families. Those weavers who sent the kusti to the priest would pay a small fee to him.
Over the years this practice has reduced and now women rarely send the kusti to the priest for cutting. The weavers themselves cut it after reciting the Nirang. The kusti is now turned inside out with the help of a suioo or needle. In this process, all the loose ends are taken throughout the length of the woven kusti. This process, called “kusti otlavanu”, is considered to be the most difficult part of the whole process of kusti-weaving. If the kusti has not been woven properly and if any thread is loose and gets entangled with the needle then the whole kusti is spoilt and has to be discarded.
Now the making of the kusti is complete but it has to be further treated before it is used. After thorough washing, it is placed on a muslin cloth with a small vessel containing burning coal. A pinch of sulphur is added to the smouldering coal. The kusti and sulphur vessel are quickly covered with a larger circular vessel for 10–15 minutes. This process of bleaching is known as “dhupvanu”. Earlier, priests in the fire temple did this while consecrating the kusti.
One of the most salient features of kusti weaving is the “alko karididho”, removing the warp from the loom. The jantar, being a foldable loom, does not occupy a fixed space. Even while weaving is in progress, the whole warp can be removed from the loom and kept aside or transferred to another. When the weaver wishes to resume work, the loom can again be unfolded and the warp placed on it.
Most women breathe a sigh of relief when they see the needle come out at the other end because they know that the kusti is now complete. Symbolically, we learn from oral tradition that the reason for this difficult process is to remind us that we have come to this physical world for the sake of advancing into the spiritual world. To grow spiritually is not an easy task and requires focused concentration. The loose threads at the ends of the kusti, called the lars, are divided into nine parts and plaited to give a fine tubular finish. This process is known as “lar guthvanu” and is done at both ends of the kusti.
Finally, the kusti is wrapped around a wooden cylinder or rolling pin, which is covered with a white cloth. This process flattens it and gives it a permanent shape. It is then removed from the cylinder, rolled into a coil and made ready for use. It is wrapped in a small white muslin cloth and then placed between two wooden blocks which are screwed together and kept aside for a day. This makes it flat and ready for use.
When women are in menses and cannot weave, they generally fold the warp and place it aside. Very few looms in the world have this capacity, in which a warp can be removed in the middle of weaving.
Zoroastrians have always regarded the sudreh-kusti as integral symbols of faith. In the modern world, it is sometimes seen as fashionable to discard rituals and symbols as unnecessary for spiritual growth; however, these are the threads of continuity that have kept the Zoroastrian faith intact from a Bronze Age tradition, and should not be lightly discarded. When one studies and understands the intricate craft technique and its equally intricate symbolism, the true significance of this ritual becomes apparent. One hopes that the daily practice of the kusti ritual will continue with a new respect, born out of understanding, for the spinners, weavers and priests who so quietly have kept united the warp and weft of the Zoroastrian community.
References
Cama, Shernaz. 2002. Asha: The Law of Harmony. A Study of Environmental Consciousness in Zoroastrian Rituals. Multinational Candidature File Submitted to UNESCO for Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. New Delhi: UNESCO.
Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. 1992. The Hymns of Zarathustra: Being a Translation of the Gathas together with the Introduction and Commentary, trans. M. Henning. London: John Murray.
Lilaowala, Ashdeen, with Shernaz Cama, 2013. Threads of Continuity: The Zoroastrian Craft of Kusti Weaving. Delhi: Parzor. Mistree, Khojeste P. 1982. Zoroastrianism: An Ethnic Perspective. Bombay: published by the author.
Modi, Jivanji Jamshedji. 1986 (reprint). The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees. Bombay: Society for the Promotion of Zoroastrian Religious Knowledge and Education.
Mueller, F. Max. 1977 (reprint). Sacred Books of the East. Vol. V, Part I; Vol. XVIII, Part II; Vol. XXIV, Part III, Pahlavi Texts, trans. E.W. West. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
